Each human society has its own hierarchy, which is created by a combination of demographic and geopolitical factors. It also has its own divisions that distinguish it from other human societies, which are formed according to a social and cultural accumulation related to religion, customs and norms, etc.
Yemeni society, of course, is no exception in a single social-global context that interacts with its own surroundings and environment, as there are divisions and hierarchies in its socio-cultural structure that have arisen since ancient times. So that over time, it has become one of the constants of its components and an almost natural inseparable of its most important characteristics, which it may not be able to get rid of or change easily.
This hierarchy was formed on customary-tribal foundations, based on craft (profession) first, then on belonging, until it became traditional social postulates and constants by virtue of habit and custom, which perhaps not even the religion or any ideology could completely obliterate or radically change, although there were displacements here and there in the form of attempts at discipline and, to some extent, social palatability, claimed by the ideals of ideology, the moral values, and perhaps the polemics of politics.
Before delving into the details of this phenomenon and knowing how the marginal community is formed in Yemen and how it lives, it must be noted that Yemeni society in general does not know classism in its literal European form, but rather there are divisions and hierarchies on the basis of class, segment, occupation, etc., perhaps imposed by the pattern of production or the relational nature prevailing in Yemeni society.
On the other hand, there are some intellectual trends that tend towards the theory of class division and ready-made generalizations and interpretations of the social hierarchy in Yemen, similar to those in European societies, relying on the ideas of Karl Marx and Max Weber in dividing the classes of the bourgeoisie, the proletariat, and the slaves and projecting them on Yemeni society. Accordingly, this is a kind of arbitrariness, an illogical generalization, and even an unsuccessful and unfair analogy.
For example, there are those who believe that the lower social groups, such as butchers, “qashamin” (growers of vegetable cash crops), “Hamameen” (workers in traditional baths as attendants), “dawasheen” (who work in weddings and services), and the Akhdam (a dark-skinned minority group), represent self-contained social classes or segments, which, in fact, represent sects or closed social groups, because they constitute marginal groups in the structure of Yemeni society, and their role in political life is minimal or almost non-existent if we exclude the dawasheen (as Dr. Abdulaziz Al-Masoudi says).
As for the class of craftsmen, it came in third place in terms of its social level, was despised by the other groups, and is at the bottom of the social ladder, including the marginalized class, Akhdam (the Arabic term for servants). The members of this group were not free and did not have the right to social integration in any way. Throughout history, members of this group have been “either domestic slaves, temple servants, or land servants, as was the case in some coastal areas adjacent to the African coast and in some areas of the western and southern coastal plain” (A Look at the Development of Yemeni Society, Sultan Ahmed Omar, p. 28).
Besides, some people say that this factional division took on a hierarchical and sectarian form in ancient times, within the framework of the upper and lower classes and within the tribe, and took on a hereditary character. At that time, the individual's status was predetermined by existing systems, customs, traditions, and norms. Some of which: the individual inherits his social status from his family, and this customary tradition has continued to the modern era and perhaps to the present.
It was uncommon for a person to move from one group to another, or from one class to another, except in exceptional circumstances such as war (Sultan Ahmed Omar, p. 29).
Likewise, there are also other groups in society other than the Akhdam (servants), such as those with handicrafts and with other professions, who are still despised from society’s point of view, as the degree of contempt for those who practice certain crafts increases, such as barbers, butchers, and sellers of qat and vegetables.
As for the Akhdam group, it is at the bottom of Yemen's social ladder; they do not often live in large gatherings, except for their residence in peripheral neighborhoods or dwellings on the margins of cities or some rural areas. Members of this group remain socially outcast, as they do not own land or housing. Some of them live a nomadic life from one region to another and live a life similar to that of the gypsies. As for their daily source of income, it depends on the necessary sustenance they get from people’s charities. Some of them also practice dancing and singing to amuse people, in addition to lower jobs such as cleaning, begging, etc.
“There were integration programs for the Muhamasheen that have been followed by successive governments in the North and South. However, these programs have mostly failed, especially in the north of Yemen, unlike what happened in the south at the time of the Yemeni Socialist Party, which tried to dissolve social disparities and achieve the principle of social justice to some extent. This orientation achieved a kind of temporary integration before it was dissipated by subsequent political setbacks.”
Moreover, some historical sources believe that this group is a remnant of the Abyssinians (Ahbash), who colonized Yemen before Islam. This inhuman view of this group is attributed to the causes of the Abyssinian colonization, which committed the most terrible massacres against the Yemeni people in the sixth century AD. Some historians also attribute the origin of this group to the slaves liberated by the influence of the Islamic call, and similarly, there are those who consider the Muhamasheen to be non-Yemenis. However, the anthropological studies prove that they have been Yemenis since ancient times; they ruled Yemen during the reign of Najahid and Ziyadiya states, and they are victims of unjust social classification. On the other hand, after the September revolution in 1962, they obtained a share of civil rights, although they were not what they had hoped for due to subjective circumstances, perhaps more than objective ones.
Similarly, some historical sources indicate that the Najahid state brought the so-called slaves or the Muhamasheen from the Horn of Africa and that migrations throughout history have also allowed these people to reach Yemen, integrate with Yemeni society, and become part of its fabric. So, talking about racial purity has become a fantasy because racial purity in Yemeni society is out of the question at all due to complete societal integration and assimilation in all its structures and various levels, whether vertical or horizontal.
In the twentieth century, this group entered the field of work, but within the scope of cleaning up cities from dirt for very low wages. Nevertheless, this has not changed the life of this group, as they continue to live in a very dire economic and social situation and still form a closed society of their own (Sultan Ahmed Omar, p. 107).
Accordingly, it is clear from the above that the Muhamasheen is a traditional social term in which there is a clear disparagement of a segment of society that lives on the margins and which practices inferior jobs in daily life, and whose culture often tends towards inadequacy and contentment with inferiority. Further, the recent attempt to soften this term under the name of "Bilal's descendants" is also a kind of derogation and a racist practice in one way or another. The Muhamasheen are considered a closed, self-isolated group that is limited to color and sometimes spatial belonging. Likewise, they are not Mazayna (others marginalized by profession) in the tribal hierarchical concept, and they may not reach higher social levels compared to the rest of the other social classes, especially artisans.
Everyone agrees that the term “Muhamasheen” was given exclusively to the group of “Akhdam” as a social group living on the margins, either willingly or forcibly. In northern Yemen, this group has been marginalized either because of their color, which is the predominant reason, or because of their association with customs and traditions that are frowned upon by the local community in northern Yemen.
Actually, the Muhamasheen differ from the other social groups in terms of career or administrative promotion. No case of public career or administrative advancement has been recorded, with rare exceptions that have no judgment. Although there were integration programs for the Muhamasheen that have been followed by successive governments in the North and South. However, these programs have mostly failed, especially in the north of Yemen, unlike what happened in the south at the time of the Yemeni Socialist Party, which tried to dissolve social disparities and achieve the principle of social justice to some extent. This orientation achieved a kind of temporary integration before it was dissipated by subsequent political setbacks. This makes many social analysts consider the Muhamasheen community to be a static, closed society that always remains in a constant (static) lower state, according to what Lenin called the “shabby community.”.
A community of Muhamasheen may differ from one region to another. For example, the Muhamasheen living in the Anis area, Dhamar governorate, reside in marginal-peripheral closed communities, whose work is often limited to cleaning and menial physical occupations such as cleaners, porters, and daily laborers, etc., and whose educational level is very low and almost non-existent. As for the Muhamasheen living in Dhamar city, who are of Tihami origin, they are more open to other societies, and the education rate is relatively high among them compared to the other Muhamasheen, as some public schools witness some demand and enrollment of their children, and perhaps some colleges, although these are rare and few cases. Many attribute this relative development or individual integration to nature and the result of some of them traveling to the Gulf countries, specifically Saudi Arabia, where they benefited from education and gradually began to engage in education and public life, but it is a rare case that has no judgment.
References:
